Night World : The Chosen Chapter 5

Rashel froze. Her sword remained in the air, poised over the vampire's heart. â€Å"Well, what are you waiting for?† the vampire said. â€Å"Go on and do it.† Rashel didn't know what she was waiting for. The vampire was in a position to block her sword with his wooden handcuffs, but he didn't do any such thing. She could tell by his body language that he wasn't going to, either. Instead he just lay there, looking up at her with eyes that were as dark and empty as the depths of space. His hair was tousled on his forehead and his mouth was a bleak line. He didn't seem afraid. He just went on staring with those fathomless eyes. All right, Rashel thought. Do it. Even the leech is telling you to. Do it fast-now. But instead she found herself pivoting and stepping slowly away from him. â€Å"Sorry,† she said out loud. â€Å"I don't take orders from parasites.† She kept her sword at the ready in case he made any sudden moves. But all he did was glance down at the wooden handcuffs, wiggle his wrists in them, and then lie back. â€Å"I see,† he said with a strange smile. â€Å"So it's torture this time, right? Well, that should be amusing for you.† Stake him, dummy, came the little voice in Rashel's head. Don't talk to him. It's dangerous to get in a conversation with his kind. But she couldn't refocus herself. In a minute, she told the voice. First I have to get my own control back. She knelt in her ready-for-action crouch and picked up the flashlight, turning it full on his face. He blinked and looked away, squinting. There. Now she could see him, but he couldn't see her. Vampire eyes were hypersensitive to light. And even if he did manage to get a glimpse of her, she was wearing her scarf. She had all the advantages, and it made her feel more in command of the situation. â€Å"Why would you think we want to torture you?† she said. He smiled at the ceiling, not trying to look at her. â€Å"Because I'm still alive.† He raised the handcuffs. â€Å"And aren't these traditional? A few vampires from the south shore have turned up mutilated with stocks like these on. It seemed to have been done for fun.† Smile. Vicky's work, Rashel thought. She wished he would stop smiling. It was such a disturbing smile, beautiful and a little mad. â€Å"Unless,† the vampire was going on, â€Å"it's information you want.† Rashel snorted. â€Å"Would I be likely to get information from you if I did want it?† â€Å"Well.† Smile. â€Å"Not likely.† â€Å"I didn't think so,† Rashel said dryly. He laughed out loud. Oh, God, Rashel thought. Stake him. She didn't know what was wrong with her. Okay, he was charming-in a weird way. But she'd known other charming vampires-smooth, practiced flatterers who tried to sweet-talk or cajole their way out of being staked. Some had tried to seduce her. Almost all had tried mind control. It was only because Rashel had the will to resist telepathy that she was alive today. But this vampire wasn't doing any of the ordinary things-and when he laughed, it made Rashers heart thump oddly. His whole face changed when he laughed. A sort of light shone in it. Girl, you are in trouble. Kill him quick. â€Å"Look,† she said, and she was surprised to find her voice a little shaky. â€Å"This isn't personal. And you probably don't care, but I'm not the one who was going to torture you. This is business, and it's what I have to do.† She took a deep breath and reached for the sword by her knee. He turned his face to the light. He wasn't smiling now and there was no amusement in his voice when he said, â€Å"I understand. You've got†¦ honor.† Looking back at the ceiling, he added, â€Å"And you're right, this is the way it always has to end when our two races meet. It's kill or be killed. The law of nature.† He was speaking to her as one warrior to another. Suddenly Rashel felt something she'd never felt for a vampire before. Respect. A strange wish that they weren't on opposite sides in this war. A regret that they could never be anything but deadly enemies. He's somebody I could talk to, she thought. An odd loneliness had taken hold of her. She hadn't realized she cared about having anyone to talk to. She found herself saying awkwardly, â€Å"Is there anybody you want notified-afterward? I mean, do you have any family? I could make sure the news gets around, so they'd know what had happened to you.† She didn't expect him to actually give her any names. That would be crazy. In this game knowledge was power, with each side trying to find out who the players on the other side were. If you could identify someone as a vampire-or a vampire hunter-you knew who to kill. It was Batman and Catwoman all over. The important thing was to preserve your secret identity. But this vampire, who was obviously a lunatic, said thoughtfully, â€Å"Well, you could send a note to my adopted father. He's Hunter Redfern. Sorry I can't give you an address, but he should be somewhere down east.† Another smile. â€Å"I forgot to tell you my name. It's Quinn.† Rashel felt as if she'd been hit with an oak club. Quinn. One of the most dangerous vampires in all the Night World. Maybe the most dangerous of the made vampires, the ones who'd started out human. She knew him by reputation-every vampire hunter did. He was supposed to be a deadly fighter and a brilliant strategist; clever, resourceful†¦ and cold as ice. He despised humans, held them in utter contempt. He wanted the Night World to wipe them out, except for a few to be used for food. I was wrong, Rashel thought dazedly. I should have let Vicky torture him. I'm sure he deserves it, if any of them do. God only knows what he's done in his time. Quinn had turned his head toward her again, looking straight into the flashlight even though it must be hurting his eyes. â€Å"So you see, you'd better kill me fast,† he said in a voice soft as snow falling. â€Å"Because that's certainly what I'm going to do to you if I get loose.† Rashel gave a strained laugh. â€Å"Am I supposed to be scared?† â€Å"Only if you have the brains to know who I am.† Now he sounded tired and scornful. â€Å"Which obviously you don't.† â€Å"Well, let me see. I seem to remember something about the Redferns†¦. Aren't they the family who controls the vampire part of the Night World Council? The most important family of all the lamia, the born vampires. Descended directly from Maya, the legendary first vampire. And Hunter Redfern is their leader, the upholder of Night World law, the one who colonized America with vampires back in the sixteen hundreds. Tell me if I'm getting any of this wrong.† He gave her a cold glance. â€Å"You see, we have our sources. And I seem to remember them mentioning your name, too. You were made a vampire by Hunter†¦ and since his own children were all daughters, you're also his heir.† Quinn laughed sourly. â€Å"Yes, well, that's an on-again, off-again thing. You might say I have a love-hate relationship with the Redferns. We spend most of the time wishing each other at the bottom of the Atlantic.† â€Å"Teh, vampire family infighting,† Rashel said. â€Å"Why is it always so hard to get along with your folks?† Despite her light words, she had to focus to keep control of her breathing. It wasn't fear. She truly wasn't scared of him. It was something like confusion. Clearly, she should be killing him at this moment instead of chatting with him. She couldn't understand why she wasn't doing it. The only excuse she had was that it seemed to make him even more confused and angry than it did her. â€Å"I don't think you've heard enough about me,† he said, showing his teeth. â€Å"I'm your worst nightmare, human. I even shock other vampires. Like old Hunter†¦ he has certain ideas about propriety. How you kill, and who. If he knew some of the things I do, he'd fall down dead himself.† Good old Hunter, Rashel thought. The stiff moral patriarch of the Redfern clan, still caught up in the seventeenth century. He might be a vampire, but he was definitely a New Englander. â€Å"Maybe I should find a way to tell him,† she said whimsically. Quinn gave her another cold look, this time tempered with respect. â€Å"If I thought you could find him, I'd worry.† Rashel was suddenly struck by something. â€Å"You know, I don't think I've ever heard anyone say your first name. I mean, I presume you have one.† He blinked. Then, as if he were surprised himself, he said, â€Å"John.† â€Å"John Quinn. John.† â€Å"I didn't invite you to call me it.† â€Å"All right, whatever.† She said it absently, deep in thought. John Quinn. Such a normal name, a Boston name. The name of a real person. It made her think of him as a person, instead of as Quinn the dreadful. â€Å"Look,† Rashel said, and then she asked him something she'd never asked a Night Person before. She said, â€Å"Did you want Hunter Redfern to make you a vampire?† There was a long pause. Then Quinn said expressionlessly, â€Å"As a matter of fact, I wanted to kill him for it.† â€Å"I see.† I'd want to do the same, Rashel thought. She didn't mean to ask any more questions, but she found herself saying, â€Å"Then why did he do it? I mean, why pick you?† Another pause. Just when she was sure he wouldn't answer, he said, â€Å"I was-I wanted to marry one of his daughters. Her name was Dove.† â€Å"You wanted to marry a vampire?† â€Å"I didn't know she was a vampire!† This time Quinn's voice was quick and impatient. â€Å"Hunter Redfern was accepted in Charlestown. Granted, a few people said his wife had been a witch, but in those days people said that if you smiled in church.† â€Å"So he just lived there and nobody knew,† Rashel said. â€Å"Most people accepted him.† A faint mocking smile curved Quinn's lips. â€Å"My own father accepted him, and he was the minister.† Despite herself, Rashel was fascinated. â€Å"And you had to be a vampire to marry her? Dove, I mean.† â€Å"I didn't get to marry her,† Quinn said tonelessly. He seemed as surprised as she was that he was telling her these things. But he went on, seeming to speak almost to himself. â€Å"Hunter wanted me to marry one of his other daughters. I said I'd rather marry a pig. Garnet-that's the oldest-was about as interesting as a stick of wood. And Lily, the middle one, was evil. I could see that in her eyes. I only wanted Dove.† â€Å"And you told him that?† â€Å"Of course. He agreed to it finally-and then he told me his family's secret. Well.† Quinn laughed bitterly. â€Å"He didn't tell me, actually. It was more of a demonstration. When I woke up, I was dead and a vampire. It was quite an experience.† Rashel opened her mouth and then shut it again, trying to imagine the horror of it. Finally she just said, â€Å"I bet.† They sat for a moment in silence. Rashel had never felt so†¦ close to a vampire. Instead of disgust and hatred, she felt pity. â€Å"But what happened to Dove?† Quinn seemed to tense all over. â€Å"She died,† he said nastily. It was clear that his confidences were over. â€Å"How?† â€Å"None of your business!† Rashel tilted her head and looked at him soberly. â€Å"How, John Quinn? You know, there are some things you really ought to tell other people. It might help.† â€Å"I don't need a damn psychoanalyst,† he spat. He was furious now, and there was a dark light in his eyes that ought to have frightened Rashel. He looked as wild as she felt sometimes, when she didn't care who she hurt. She wasn't frightened. She was strangely calm, the kind of calm she felt when her breathing exercises made her feel one with the earth and absolutely sure of her path. â€Å"Look, Quinn-â€Å" â€Å"I really think you'd better kill me now,† he said tightly. â€Å"Unless you're too stupid or too scared. This wood won't hold forever, you know. And when I get out, I'm going to use that sword on you.† Startled, Rashel looked down at Vicky's handcuffs. They were bent. Not the oak, of course-it was the metal hinges that were coming apart. Soon he'd have enough room to slip them off. He was very strong, even for a vampire. And then, with the same odd calm, she realized what she was going to do. â€Å"Yes, that's a good idea,† she said. â€Å"Keep bending them. I can say that's how you got out.† â€Å"What are you talking about?† Rashel got up and searched for a steel knife to cut the cords on his feet. â€Å"I'm letting you go, John Quinn,† she said. He paused in his wrenching of the handcuffs. â€Å"You're insane,† he said, as if he'd just discovered this. â€Å"You may be right.† Rashel found the knife and slit through the bast cords. He gave the handcuffs a twist. â€Å"If,† he said deliberately, â€Å"you think that because I was a human once, I have any pity on them, you are very, very wrong. I hate humans more than I hate the Redferns.† â€Å"Why?† He bared his teeth. â€Å"No, thank you. I don't have to explain anything to you. Just take my word for it.† She believed him. He looked as angry and as dangerous as an animal in a trap. â€Å"All right,† she said, stepping back and putting her hand on the hilt of her bokken. â€Å"Take your best shot. But remember, I beat you once. I was the one who knocked you out.† He blinked. Then he shook his head in disbelief. â€Å"You little idiot,† he said. â€Å"I wasn't paying attention. I thought you were another of those jerks falling over their own feet. And I wasn't even fighting them seriously.† He sat up in one fluid motion that showed the strength he had, and the control of his own body. â€Å"You don't have a chance,† he said softly, turning those dark eyes on her. Now that he wasn't looking into the flashlight, his pupils were huge. â€Å"You're dead already.† Rashel had a sinking feeling that was telling her the same thing. â€Å"I'm faster than any human,† the soft voice went on. â€Å"I'm stronger than any human. I can see better in the dark. And I'm much, much nastier.† Panic exploded inside Rashel. All at once, she believed him absolutely. She couldn't seem to get her breath, and a void had opened in her stomach. She lost any vestige of her previous calm. He's right-you were an idiot, she told herself wildly. You had every chance to stop him and you blew it. And why? Because you were sorry for him? Sorry for a deranged monster who's going to tear you limb from limb now? Anyone as stupid as that deserves what they get. She felt as if she were falling, unable to get hold of anything†¦. And then suddenly she did seem to catch something. Something that she clung to desperately, trying to resist the fear that wanted to suck her into darkness. You couldn't have done anything else. It was the little voice in her mind, being helpful for once. And, strangely, Rashel knew it was true. She couldn't have killed him when he was tied up and helpless, not without becoming a monster herself. And after hearing his story, she couldn't have ignored the pity she felt. I'm probably going to die now, she thought. And I'm still scared. But I'd do it over again. It was right. She hung on to that as she let the last seconds tick away, the last window of opportunity to stake him while the cuffs still held. She knew they were ticking away, and she knew Quinn knew. â€Å"What a shame to rip your throat out,† he said. Rashel held her ground. Quinn gave the handcuffs a final wrench, and the metal hinges squealed. Then the stocks clattered onto the concrete and he stood up, free. Rashel couldn't see his face anymore; it was above the reach of the flashlight. â€Å"Well,† he said evenly. Rashel whispered, â€Å"Well.† They stood facing each other. Rashel was waiting for the tiny involuntary body movements that would give away which direction he was going to lunge. But he was more still than any enemy she'd ever seen. He kept his tension inside, ready to explode only when he directed it. His control seemed to be complete. He's got zanshin, she thought. â€Å"You're very good,† she said softly. â€Å"Thanks. So are you.† â€Å"Thanks.† â€Å"But it isn't going to matter in the end.† Rashel started to say, â€Å"We'll see†-and he lunged. She had an instant's warning. A barely perceptible movement of his leg told her he was going to spring to his right, her left. Her body reacted without her direction, moving smoothly†¦ and she didn't realize until she was doing it that she wasn't using the sword. She had stepped forward, inside his attack, and deflected it with a mirror palm block, striking the inner side of his arm with her left arm. Hitting the nerves to try and numb the limb. But not cutting him. She realized with a dizzy sense of horror that she didn't want to use the sword on him. â€Å"You are going to die, idiot,† he told her, and for an instant she wasn't sure if it was him saying it or the voice in her head. She tried to push him away. All she could think was that she needed time, time to get her survival reflexes back. She shoved at him–and then her bare hand brushed his, and something happened that was completely beyond her experience.

Bio Answers

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The Demise of the Nuclear Family Unit - Essay Example The Office of National Statistics in United Kingdom presented that in 2010 there is an increase of divorce rates by 5.7 percent or 11.1 divorcing people per thousand married population (Office of National Statistics, par. 1) against the 262,000 decline in the number of married or civil partner couples (Office of National Statistics, par. 8). It was also presented that there was 2.9 million of opposite sex cohabiting couples in 2011. These numbers directly correlates to nearly two million lone parents with dependent children in United Kingdom (Office of National Statistics, par. 5). This increase in divorce rates of 2012 was said to be linked with the economic recession of 2008-2009 (Office of National Statistics, par. 5) as the same trend happened in 1993 statistics following the economic downfall of 1990-1992. A study by Vaitilingam explicates that unemployment and decline in the price value of family house in house market during recession directly hits the stability of couples resu lting to separation of cohabiting couples or divorce of married ones (Vaitilingam 24). Through all these changes and separation, the children are the most affected. Studies reflected strong discrepancy among the socialization and social competence of children from lone-parent families and two-parent families. This findings lie on several factors as noted by the Hastings, et al. (6): First is the absence of a partner or co-parent in times of occurrence of stressful events and difficult situation including financial issues where lone parents may be caught vulnerable in such incidence therefore permitting sloppy parenting that a child may suffer; second is an average low income of lone parents compared to two-parent families resulting to inadequate financial resources needed to meet the material needs of a child; and lastly is having less social support from other adults which can act as support system for both the parent and the child especially in stressful events of life. This impli es that children from lone-parent family has a great disadvantage on physical, mental, and social development this prompting the need for promotion of marriage and two-parent family structures (Bramlett, par.24). In United States, the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act or PRWORA was passed in 1996 as major federal reform legislation aimed to improve the welfare of the families. Its goals are to put an â€Å"end to dependence of needy parents upon government benefits by promoting job preparation, work, and marriage†; to â€Å"aid needy families so that children may be cared for in their homes or those of relatives†; to â€Å"prevent and reduce out-of-wedlock pregnancies and establish goals for preventing and reducing their incidence†; and finally to â€Å"encourage formation and maintenance of two-parent families† (Schoeni 2). This reform generally address to the issue previously discussed and focused to alleviate poverty and s ocial dilemma brought by lone-parenting and divorce. Encouraging the formation and maintenance of two-parent families may be viewed as a challenging account yet its end consequence will positively affect the lives of the children which soon become the leaders in society and parents in the near future. Childhood is a crucial point in a person’s life where personality, morality, and beliefs are developed. A positive personality therefore will result in parallel to one’s positive growing environment and the same thing happens otherwise. Children from two-parent famili

Tort Law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Tort Law - Essay Example The banks received and paid some cheques worth approximately HK$5.5 million. The cheques appeared to be genuinely drawn by the company and they bore the signature of Mr. Chen who was one of the authorized signatories for the company to the cheques. In each of the instances, the banks used each cheque to debit the companys account. However, these cheques were forgeries and not the companys cheques. An accounts clerk had forged Mr. Chen’s signature on each cheque. The main issue in the appeal is to determine who was to bear the loss arising from the forgeries. The question of general principle was to determine the nature and extent to which a customer has a duty of care to his bank in relation to the operation of his current account. The companys submission was that, where no other agreement exists between the banker and customer, the customers duty could only be limited to two sets of circumstances. In drawing his cheque, the customer must exercise due care. A cheque having a forged signature is not the customer’s and the bank therefore cannot pay it. The customer must also bring to the attention of the bank any forgery, which he discovers so that the bank may take precautions to avoid loss. If any breach of such duty by the customer leads the bank to make payments on the forged cheque, the customer is liable to bear the loss. The banks’ submission on the issue was that from the relationship between banker and customer, the latter has a duty to the former to take precautions to prevent the presentation of forged cheques to the bank and to check his periodic bank statements. That is so as identify and report to the bank any items, which he may not have authorized. The duty is both in contract and in tort (Hodgson and Lewthwaite, 2004, p. 417). In delivering the Lordships’ ruling, Lord Scarman said that their Lordships believed there was nothing to the advantage of the laws development in trying to find a liability in tort

Interpetive journey for new testament letters Essay

Interpetive journey for new testament letters - Essay Example Modern Christians are now being swayed by different doctrines as the early Christians experienced. They also struggle with their surroundings in terms of getting rich, educated and competitive. Religions were abundantly affecting the Christians then as they do today. Greek philosophy greatly influenced them also while contemporary Christians are largely influenced by science and technological advancements. Communication is now fast and so is the indoctrination of Christians happening worldwide in just a matter of seconds. The early Christians’ faiths were tested when other doctrines were introduced to them which are almost the same in today’s religious issues. There are those who encourage other teachings because they consider Jesus as only ‘one’ among the many ways to heaven and others even use the Bible itself to explain other teachings. In the midst of these confusions, people tend to be swayed in their beliefs just as the Colossians experienced. Therefore, the words of Paul to the Colossians more than two thousand years ago still speak to modern Christians. It is a challenge for true believers in Jesus to maintain a life that is focused on Him alone and must not be swayed by other teachings. Science, money and power may say that they are what can bring people good life but just like the Greek philosophies; they cannot actually bring people to heaven where Christ is seated. Gods and goddesses of religions may be presented as powerful as God but they can never compare to the God who became like one of His creations, to die on the cross in order to save sinners. Therefore, a true Christian must fix his eyes on Jesus alone so that he would be able to see Him on His second

A Personalised Induction Will Always Be More Effective Essay Example for Free

A Personalised Induction Will Always Be More Effective Essay Every successful hypnotherapy session must have an induction ensuring that the client is relaxed and is in a disassociated state in order fully experience the process. The type of induction used can be dependent on the personal preferences of the therapist or the type of hypnotherapy being undertaken in the session. There has been some debate as to whether a generic induction will be suitable for all clients or as some hypnotherapists advocate that only a personalised screed to each client will do. Commercial hypnotherapy which is produced for the mass market is widely available in CD, book or e formats. These materials deal with common issues such as giving up smoking, weight loss etc and by their very nature have to be generic as there is no option for personalisation. However as there is no therapist present at these sessions, the success of commercial non personalised screeds cannot be assessed. In my opinion, commercial materials can reach many people but they are more about making money for the person producing them than about making a difference for the individual. It is also impossible to have a personalised induction if the therapist is holding a group session. In hypnosis the therapist relies on verbal communication rather than on body language. Psychology professor Albert Mehrabian studied communication and stated that how humans communicate can be broken down into quantities; ie words account for 7%, tone of voice accounts for 38%, and body language accounts for 55%. Therefore the vocabulary the therapist uses becomes vitally important to how successful the therapy will be for the client. Therapists who prefer a personalised approach believe that preparation of the client is essential especially if they have no previous experience of hypnotherapy and/or have pre-conceived ideas. Discussion before the session is crucial to discover what the client’s expectations are and when necessary, allay fears and correct their beliefs. During this discussion the therapist can also probe to discover the clients’ preferred or dominant modality. Modalities were defined by Bandler and Grinder the â€Å"Language of our minds†. (Chrysalis, Module 2). The three major modalities are, Kinaesthetic (feeling), Visual (sight), Auditory (hearing) as well as the two minor modalities of Olfactory (smell) and Gustatory (taste). As individuals we all have a preference for the way we perceive and process our experiences and in order to create a personalised induction, the therapist will try to ascertain the client’s preference during the initial interview and discussion. During the induction, the client may have his eyes closed or the therapist may not be within sight, so communication with the client using their preferred imagery will help them feel more comfortable. Kinaesthetic people have a preference for vocabulary which will invite them to feel. For example in an induction where the client is in their special place outdoors, you could suggest the client feels the warmth of a breeze as it moves through the trees. Whereas for those with a visual modality it could be suggested that they imagine leaves moving in the warm breeze in the nearby trees, while those with an auditory modality may feel more comfortable if it is suggested that they can hear the rustle of the leaves when they are moved by the warm breeze. Language and imagery can also have a negative effect on the client, Karle and Boys (1987, p45) suggest that imagery is first planned with the client to ensure it is acceptable and congenial. The example they use is suggesting descent by means of using a lift to a client who is phobic of lifts. Therefore it is important to have some personalisation in the induction. There is, however, a risk of mis-judging an individual during the initial interview and consultation that the therapist must be aware of. The client may present an image that they think the therapist wants to see; also as humans our feelings can change frequently throughout the day which causes us to react differently. And until the therapist gains a deeper understanding of the client a truly personalised induction may not be achieved yet the client has successfully reached a deeper hypnotic state. When creating an induction it is suggested by Karle and Boys (1987) that therapists use a technique known as â€Å"Compounding† which employs all modalities in the sensory descriptions and suggestions. While the content of the inductionis one area which can be personalised, the delivery of the induction is also a major influence on how accepting and comfortable the client will be. During the initial interview and as the relationship between client and therapist grows, the style of induction most suited to the client should be employed. They are referred to today as â€Å"Permissive† and â€Å"Authoritarian†. However as with the modalities, the style preference of the therapist will be a major influence on the style employed in the induction. Sandor Ferenczi, a Hungarian psychoanalyst who practised in the early 1900s first investigated these styles after moving away from Freudian theory and developing relaxation therapy. He called them ‘maternal’ and ‘paternal’ and used them in his induction delivery. He considered the maternal style to be nurturing, caring, supportive and permissive while he considered paternal to be direct, authoritarian and aggressive. (Chrysalis, Module 2). Dave Elman, a stage hypnotist and entertainer working in 1948, at the invitation of doctors began to work on induction techniques. He continued in this career writing books on the subject and teaching students up to his death in 1968. He is well known for using his preferred authoritarian style of induction which he adapted from the sharp commands used in stage shows. Conversely, Milton Erickson, born 1901, utilised the permissive style of induction together with indirect suggestion. He believed that ‘people must participate in their therapy’ and was skilled at using metaphors to assist his therapy. Erickson believed that it was not possible consciously to instruct the unconscious mind, and that authoritarian suggestions were likely to be met with resistance. He firmly stated that the unconscious mind responds to openings, opportunities, metaphors and symbolic language. He advocated that effective hypnotic suggestion should be artfully vague, leaving space for the client to fill in the gaps with their own unconscious understandings even if they do not consciously grasp what is happening. The skilled hypnotherapist constructs these gaps of meaning in a way most suited to the individual subject in a way which is most likely to produce the desired change (Wikipedia. rg) Authoritarian inductions will be more directional and commanding; they allow the hypnotherapist to be in charge with the client following a set of demands. This can work well on some clients who respond to authority and like set boundaries. An authoritarian induction will be straightforward with no embellishments, for example making commanding statements such as, ‘Close your eyes, you are in control at all times’, ‘You are now feeling relaxed’. Clients who prefer authoritarian styles may have a logical preference; it has also been shown to work well for those individuals who are sceptical. While this approach may seem to be domineering, it only creates an illusion that the therapist is in total control. In fact the client has to be willing to participate and therefore is actually fully in control and can stop the therapy at anytime. Once the client has relaxed into a trancelike state, suggestions and choices can then be introduced. Permissive inductions are gentler where the therapist is the facilitator, allowing the client to make their own choices while in a safe reassuring environment reinforcing the therapist’s initial discussion with the client. Sentences used will be suggestive, for example, ‘You may like to close your eyes now’ or, ‘In your own time choose when to relax the muscles in your arms. ’ This style allows use of imaginative scenarios and metaphors. Clients who will respond to the permissive style are considered to be generally caring, like to please and are imaginative and have strong imagery skills. Direct and indirect suggestion can also be employed in the induction. Indirect suggestion can be beneficial with clients new to hypnotherapy that are resistant either through anxiety or negativity and when the authoritarian approach would not be appropriate. Milton Erikson preferred indirect methods (Chrysalis, Module 2) because he believed that the client should actively participate in their therapy. Erickson created a number of techniques known as ‘techniques of utilisation’ that could be used on people who seem resistant to hypnosis, whether they were resisting through anxiety or stubbornness. † Erickson’s techniques were very manipulative but very subtle, and allowed the individual client to take control of their own healing. He believed that if one technique does not work you must find one that does work. He believed in encouraging the resistance that the individual was exhibiting so that they would feel more comfortable responding within their own boundaries rather than those set by the therapist. In a typical example, a girl that bit her nails was told that she was cheating herself of really enjoying the nail biting. He encouraged her to let some of her nails grow a little longer before biting them, so that she really could derive the fullest pleasure from the activity. She decided to grow all of her nails long enough that she might really enjoy biting them, and then, after some days, she realised that she didnt want to bite them anyway. Indirect suggestion also opens the opportunity to use metaphor and imagery. This is particularly effective with children where storytelling and fantasy is something they can readily associate with. Karl and Boys (1987, p150) state that it is vital that each step should be adapted to suit the age, cultural background, developmental stage and intellectual and educational status of the child. Thus indicating that a personalised induction for children is imperative to achieve success and limit any negative effects. Direct suggestion as with the Authoritarian style will be more effective with clients who prefer this approach; however compounding the two styles as with the modalities will be effective as it ensures you are connecting with the client via their preferred style. Other styles of induction that can be employed is the â€Å"confusion technique†. This is used on individuals who may be very rigid and analytical. They are prone to criticise and would want to pick everything apart instead of relaxing into the hypnosis. By giving a confused message which contains little to understand, the client’s brain will be forced to shut down and go into a trancelike state. In this method there can be no personalisation for the client to focus on. In conclusion I think that in order to build a genuine rapport with the client, the therapist should always aim to personalise the induction, in relation to the reasons the client is seeking hypnotherapy. It is imperative to always carry out an in depth discussion to assess the client’s needs and to identify if there are any underlying factors which may prevent the therapist from treating the client. e psychosis. Also a client’s likes dislikes and phobias must be taken into account, therefore it is important to listen carefully to the client and be respectful of their needs. However it must also be accepted that an individual’s preferences and modalities are not fixed precisely because we are individuals whose reactions can change regularly throughout the day; therefore it would be preferable to compound all modalities and styles into the induction. It is also important to remember that the therapists’ preferences will also have an influence on how the induction is carried out and on the relationship with each individual client. Therefore I conclude that all inductions on a one to one basis are personalised inductions based on what the therapist has learned about the client and by learning what works best for that client.

Kathmandu Enter Into Chinese Market Essay Example for Free

Kathmandu Enter Into Chinese Market Essay With the rapid development of economy and society, Chinese market has attracted a great number of attentions from foreign companies. Therefore, how to enter into Chinese market and how to be a successful company in China has become a realistic issue faced by business managers, entrepreneurs and consultants. This essay will focus on introducing one Australian local brand â€Å"Kathmandu† which is an outdoor sport equipment company into Chinese market. Thus, a detailed analysis of the current situation of the Chinese market and this foreign company is indispensable. Firstly, this paper will analyze the current situation of the Chinese outdoor sport market and the Chinese economy, and then identify the strengths and weakness of the Kathmandu Company when entering into Chinese market. Subsequently, selection of entry modes and partner and recommendations will be provided to deal with or to reduce the risks when enter into the Chinese outdoor sport market. 2. BACKGROUND ABOUT KATHMANDU COMPANY Kathmandu Holdings Limited was established by John Pawson and Jan Cameron in 1987. The company started off as a small outdoor apparel shop in New Zealand and in 25 years has grown to a multi-national brand primarily producing outdoor sport clothing and equipment which combine with the advanced technology, high quality and high comfort level. Such as, tents and shelters, packs and luggage, sleeping gear, outdoor clothing, footwear and other accessories of outdoor. In 2006, one Australasian private equity company fully acquired Kathmandu for NZ$275 million. Currently Kathmandu does the business in Australia, New Zealand and England. The company slogan aims to capture young and adventurous individuals and the marketing strategy has been built around this notion (Kathmandu, 2012). 3. OPPORTUNITIES OF CHINESE OUTDOOR MARKET 3. 1 Outdoor sport in China Along with the development of economy and living stander, outdoor sport becomes increasingly popular in China. In China, outdoor sport was started at Beijing, Shenzhen and Shanghai in 1999(Chinese News, 2011). Currently, combing with pressure reducing, such sport increase quite fast and become one kind of society fashion. There are four outdoor sport activities which include High Mountain, exploration, rock climbing and bicycling in China (Chinese outdoor Sport Association, 2012). The outdoor sport is an professional sport activity not only require a good physical quality but also good clothing and equipment to resist the bad environment. Therefore, fast increase of the outdoor sport contributes to sharp augment on demand of outdoor sport clothing and equipment. As reporting by China Outdoor Sport Association, the number of annual sales from existing manufactories of outdoor equipment was 800 million RMB in 2010, while the number of that in 2000 was 60 million RMB, and the number of Chinese participation in the outdoor sport has reached one hundred million (China Outdoor Sport Association, 2012). Hence, along with the unbelievable development of the outdoor sport and the higher demand of outdoor products, obviously, the potential of the Chinese outdoor sport market is quite considerable. 3. 2 Situation of Chinese outdoor market Basic the market research, currently, there are approximately 200 Chinese local outdoor sport brands and around 1100 outdoor clothing and equipment stores. Although the outdoor industry of China is at beginning phases, every year increase 50%. The CEO of the GORE Company which is one of the beat 100 American outdoor equipment companies pointed out that such fast increase would maintain at the least 5 years in China (Simone, 2002). It can be calculated that the Chinese outdoor sport market should be worth around two billion. However, even though the outdoor sport is obtaining swift development, the outdoor market is relatively backward. The local manufactures only produce or provide elementary products or services, lack of the leading company and well-known brand is a serious issue in the local market. Therefore, it is a favorable opportunity for Kathmandu to expend to the Chinese outdoor market, because of the sharp escalation of market demand and insufficient supply of the local outdoor market. 3. 3 Competitors in Chinese outdoor market China already had around 200 local brands in outdoor sport market. However, in such new industry market foreign companies occupied the main position. According to the research, there are four main competitors for Kathmandu in the Chinese outdoor market, which include The North Face that is an American company, it has a long history and produce fine workmanship products, one company of France named ALGLE which entered into China in 1997, and its products are practical and noble. OZARK which is a Switzerland Company and the design of their products is following the characteristic of the Chinese. The last one competitor is Salewa from German (Chinese News, 2011). Compare with these foreign companies, the technology and quality of the local brands are at lower level, particularly, at the aspect of technology. Company is difficult to survive without advanced technology supporting, especially, in the outdoor sport market. Therefore, the outdoor market that has a small number of strong competitors will supply an opportunity for Kathmandu to obtain the biggest market share by adopting the advanced technology. 3. 4 Chinese economic situation For the financial reason, the Chinese market is quite appropriate for the Kathmandu to enter. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recourses, in 2010 the number of average disposable personal income of cities and towns was 21033 RMB, which was higher 11. 3% than that in 2009. Meanwhile, the recourses also mentioned that the number of average disposable personal income in cities and towns was 7414 RMB in the first quarter 2011, which was higher 14. 1% than that in 2010 (National Bureau of Statistics, 2011). The increase of the disposable personal income of the Chinese offered an ideally material guarantee for consumption of the outdoor sport, which also means that Chinese has obtained higher purchasing power than before. The Nominal GDP per capita continues experiencing increase since 2001 to 2010 from 8. 3% to 10. 3% (National Bureau of Statistics, 2011). Following the acceleration of the urbanization progress, increasingly Chinese has selected outdoor sport, particularly, the young people. As the China Outdoor Sport Association report 2010, 90% of the participators already have attained high education degrees and the wages in the 65% of them over 5000RMB per month, 20 to 40 years old people occupied 84. 1% (Chinese News, 2011). China possesses the most enormous consumer groups which attract the vision of the world. Such consumer groups will contribute more benefits than England and New Zealand for Kathmandu. According to the National Development and Reform Commission, there is a police of 5 years plant from 2011 to 2015, which will focus on inequality of wealth distribution and shifting emphasis from investment to consumption (National Development and Reform Commission, 2011). Therefore more money will be spent in rural and inland development. So that Kathmandu can expect a growing number of potential customers in the coming 5 years. Therefore, the current situation of the Chinese market is ideally for Kathmandu to attract more customers and to sales more outdoor products. 4. STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES OF KATHMANDU IN CHINA Kathmandu has sufficient experience on oversea expending. According to the Kathmandu office report, currently, the company of Kathmandu has totally 107 retail stores, 65 located in Australia, 39 in New Zealand and 6 in United Kingdom respectively. In 2003 and 2004, the company entered into the market of United Kingdom, and speedy became one of the top two outdoor brands in the UK. The office report also mentioned that the Kathmandu Company made 237 million AU$ sales and obtained 7 million profit in 2011(Kathmandu, 2012). Therefore, the Kathmandu has sufficient expending experience, which enables to reduce risks that are bought by the insufficient of experience when enter into China. Furthermore, owning of advanced technologies is able to guarantees the leading position in Chinese outdoor market. Specifically, the technologies of anti-wind, anti-fire, waterproof and high heat preservation are adopted by all of their products with high comfortable level. Such advanced technologies are what the Chinese local outdoor equipment market and customers need. However, there are some weaknesses of Kathmandu can not be ignored in Chinese market. Firstly, lack of Guan XI (special relationship) will be the main issue for the company. In Chinese market, it is difficult to obtain long-term profit that making the business without a favorable Guan Xi, particularly, the closing relationship with the Chinese government. The Kathmandu may face some restriction from the Chinese Government. Such as, polices changing, law modifying and the controlling on some local resources, which will bring a great number of obstacles on operation of the Kathmandu company in China. Secondly, low brand awareness will lead to high cost in Chinese market. Obviously, although there is an increase in the demand of western products for the Chinese customers, the products selection of customers is quite cautious, especially on unacquainted brands. The Kathmandu may needs more patience to the Chinese clients to know more about the products of the Kathmandu, in other words, more time is required by the Chinese market. In addition, in such situation, more capitals will be spent by the company on advertising in order to build the name recognition. Thus, these weaknesses may bring some risks for the Kathmandu company operation in China. 5. HOW TO ENTER INTO CHINESE OUTDOOR MARKET 5. 1 Selection of the entry modes The selection of entry modes is crucial for every company when enter into a new market. There are two major entry modes, which include non-equity modes and equity modes (Chen Hui, 2002). As a multinational company and has good expending experience in the UK and New Zealand, it is undeniable that equity modes is appropriate to the Kathmandu when enter into Chinese market. The entry modes contain joint-venture, acquisitions and green-fields (Peter, 2008). Merger and acquisition can assists the Kathmandu directly entering into Chinese market by purchasing the company that already has established in China. However, a large number of capitals are required by the Kathmandu company to merger the Chinese local company, which means more cost will occur when choose this entry method. In addition, social-cultural environment issue should be considered by the western companies, acquisition entry method may be related to a sort of aggression by Chinese duo to the Chinese history, so that some threatens will be faced by the Kathmandu Company, for instant, anti-products and service of the company. The green-fields entry method also requires large number of capitals to support, and this approach is quite complicate to operate. While more freedom in designing the plant, selecting suppliers, and hiring a work force will be contributed by green-field (Ilkaka, 2007). Compare with acquisition and green-field, joint-venture entry method is more appropriate to the Kathmandu Company to enter into the Chinese outdoor market. The reasons as follow, firstly, Beamish pointed out that joint-venture is cheaper to exit compare with green-fields and also has the advantage that benefits the company to directly enter the market of other countries (Beamish, 2001). Secondly, the Kathmandu Company is not familiar with Chinese institutions and regulations, finding a Joint-Venture partner can help understand rules of running business, and the Guan Xi of the Chinese partner can be used by the Kathmandu in China. Moreover, such method will provide strong bargaining power with Joint-Venture partner for the company, as Kathmandu can provide high technical resources and product line which is the crucial issue facing by the Chinese outdoor companies. However, there are some disadvantages that lead to the risks to the Kathmandu Company from the joint-venture entry method. Firstly, the joint-venture may modify the partner to competitor (Swierczak, 1994). Specifically, it is dangerous that giving the advanced technologies to the partner to control. Perhaps the primary goal of the local partner is to control the leading technologies of the Kathmandu; such technologies will be used by other local companies on their products in order to obtain the bigger market share and to make more profit, which should be the most primary risk for the Kathmandu Company. Secondly, shared ownership can lead to conflict over goals and control. The ownership and administrative power will become the main conflict between the partner and the foreign company (Swierczak, 1994). In order to control and make the biggest profit to their own company, both local and foreign company adopts various approaches to attain the beneficial position in the joint-venture company. Such as, increasing the investment and controlling the resources. Balancing the advantages and disadvantages for the Kathmandu Company to select the entry modes in Chinese market, joint-venture is the ideally entry modes for the company. However, which Chinese partner should be selected by the Kathmandu is another issue. 5. 2 Selection of the Chinese partner There are a great number of local outdoor or sport brands in China. However, it is difficult to find a well-known outdoor sport brand because of the new outdoor market. Thus selecting a famous sport equipment company as the joint-venture partner is the best selection for Kathmandu Company. The Chinese sport companies include 361, ERKE, ANTA, PEAK, DOUBLE STAR, Xtep and LI NING (Chinese sport research, 2011). According to LI NING annual report 2010, the capitalization of the company has reached 8. 387 billion and has had 8156 sales shops in 1800 cities in China, and The number of LI NING brand retail stores is 7478 Moreover, LI NING has the highest reputation as the company is sponsoring several of Chinese sport national teams. The company already cooperated with AIGLE, LOTTO and Kason using joint-venture entry modes, which means that LI NING has had sufficient experience on such entry modes, and the high experience will assists the Kathmandu to reduce the risks on joint-venture (LI NING, 2011). Therefore, LI NING should be the most appropriate joint-venture partner for the Kathmandu Company, the large number of LI NING sales network and capitalization will contribute the convenience to the Kathmandu to enter into Chinese outdoor market. 6. CONCLUSION China has become the biggest market for the foreign company duo to the rapid development of economy and society. Such development specifically expressed in the GDP and the average disposable personal income continually increase, which also represent high purchasing power in China. In the same period, the fast development of Chinese outdoor sport market contributes to the high demand not only for the outdoor clothing and equipment but also for the advanced technologies of the outdoor equipment in the Chinese outdoor market, and the lower strong competitors also provide a God-given opportunity for the Kathmandu outdoor equipment company to enter such ideally market. Hence, how to enter Chinese market will be the first issue faced by every foreign company manager. The joint-venture entry modes should be the possible modes selected by the foreign company, particularly, the Kathmandu Company duo to the lower cost, easily access the market. The Kathmandu enables to use the local resources and Guan Xi network of the LI NING Company, which are the weaknesses of the Kathmandu, via joint-venture in order to become a successful company operating in China after into the outdoor market. Both companies will obtain the benefits that they want from joint-venture entry modes. 7. REFERENCES Beamish, P. W. ,Banks, J. C. 2001. Equity joint ventures and the theory of the multinational enterprise. Journal of International Business Studies, 18(2):1-16. Chinese Customs, 2011, â€Å"Export Procedure†, viewed: 20 May 2012, from http://www. customs. gov. cn/publish/portal0/. Chen, H. 2002, An analysis of determinants of entry mode and its impact on performance, Int. Bus. Rev. , 11 (2002), pp. 193–210. Chinese News, 2011, The demand of copper is recovering to the level before financial crisis, viewed: 20 May, 2012, from. http://www.chinanews. com/cj/2011/06-13/3108018. shtml Chinese Outdoor Sport Association 2012, â€Å"report of Chinese outdoor sport situation†, viewed: 20 May 2012, from http://www. iouter. com/. Ilkka A. Ronkainen, 2007, International marketing, Cengage Learning, 2007, p417-422. Joseph Simone, â€Å"Criminal Enforcement Against Counterfeiters†, China Business Review, 29/6 (2002): 22-23; Timothy Trainer, â€Å"The Fight Against Trademark Counterfeiting,† China Business Review, 29/6 (2002): 20-24. Kathmandu Annual Report, 2012, Introduction of Kathmandu, viewed 17 May, 2012, from homepage: http://www. kathmandu. com. au/. Kobrin, op. cit. ; Minor, op. cit. ; Charles Hill, International Business: Competing in the Global Marketplace, 4th Edition (Bostom, MA: McGraw-Hill Irwin, 2003), p. 47. Lining Annual Report, 2011, Introduction of Lining, viewed 17 May, 2012, from http://www. lining. com/eng/global/home. php. National Bureau of Statistics, 2011, â€Å"situation of Chinese economic†, viewed 17 May, 2012, from http://www.stats. gov. cn/. National Development Reform Commission, 2011, â€Å"situation of Chinese market development†, viewed 17 May, 2012, from http://www. sdpc. gov. cn/. Peter Liesch, and Duncan Poulson, 2008, â€Å"An Unconventional Approach to Intellectual Property: The Case of an Australian Firm Transferring Shipbuilding Technologies to China,† Journal of World Business, 35/1 (2000): 1-20. Swierczak, F. W. 1994, Culture and conflict in Joint Venture in Asia, International Journal of Project Management, 12 (1) (1994), pp. 39–47.

Ethics and Reality TV

Ethics and Reality TV Abstract Reality TV, like many other postmodern spectacles, operates on a deeply tenuous and ambiguous ethical grounding. On the one hand, the audience / creator model of exploitation can be seen as providing the viewer with entertainment and escapism. On the other it can be said to create a system of dependency and artificial need. The ethics of participation in game show style reality offers a similar contradiction which is dependent upon whether participants are free to choose, or whether they are in fact coerced by elements beyond their control. This dissertation will look at the various factors and paradigms (psychoanalytical, Marxist, poststructuralist) that constitute this model of reality. This requires a certain concretisation of terms such as ethics, and of what constitutes â€Å"reality† itself. The dissertation will also look at the politics of reality TV itself – namely, does Reality TV constitute a unique event in the development of television, or does it merely re flect a continuation for television producers to create ever more innovative methods of keeping our interests satiated? Is Reality TV itself the origin of the moral crimes, or is Reality TV merely a reflection of the ethical climate of capitalism in which we live? Finally, the dissertation will look at the possible futures for â€Å"reality† TV. Methodology As this dissertation is largely discursive in nature, and involves a widespread discussion of general philosophical and ethical themes, I will purely refer to secondary material. This will be assisted by the large and abundant materials that exist on the matter of â€Å"Reality† TV, ethics, and the conjoining of the two. I will use library materials, newspaper and magazine materials, as well as the raw footage of the Reality TV itself to generate an opinion and an overall discussion about the general impacts, considerations and ethical standards of reality TV, and whether constructive change is a) desirable and b) possible. What are Ethics? Ethics have proven to be a central part of philosophical enquiry for thousands of years. As such, it would be useful to summarize what and how this theory has developed over the years, and what tends to form the debate around â€Å"ethics† now. This is essential in order to gauge the relationship between â€Å"good† ethical conduct and the recent phenomenon of reality TV. Ethics was originally conceived as a way to engage with morals – literally, it can be seen as an attempt to establish a â€Å"moral philosophy† for living, and is concerned about notions such as what is right and what is wrong. It exposes the various difficulties between making certain decisions or of living life in a particular way. Understandably, the concept and the notion of good moral behaviour and bad moral behaviour have changed radically since the initial formulation of Western ethics in Ancient Greece over 2000 years ago. While modern moral reasoning bases its understandings upon the writings of Plato and Aristotle, it has mutated radically as regards to who the subject of the writing actually is concerned with. Whereas Plato, Aristotle and the ancient Greeks were concerned more about the self – e.g. how to morally explain the individual – whereas the modern ethical practice is more concerned about how to treat others in the first instance. Annette Hill comments that â€Å"Modern moral philosophy is therefore primarily about public good, and the development of moral values within particular social, political and cultural groups, and also within particular secular societies.† (2005, p. 110). Rather than acting, then justifying behaviour, modern ethics are primarily concerned about what exactly one should do in the first place, and is about the relationship between the self and society, the promotion of the notion of the â€Å"public good†, and of partaking in particular acts, often against the self or the will that would otherwise have a harmful effect on society. Major paradigmatic models incorporate this model of public good into their progressive ideologies. Central to the Marxist model (which I will be later applying to the phenomenon of reality TV), is the relationship between the working classes and the ruling classes. This is argued in Marx as being ethically dubious, because while the proletariat are enslaved by the capitalist system by their work, the ruling classes benefit from this relationship infinitely. Therefore, from a Marxist context, capitalism and the ways in which this model distributes wealth can be seen as the primary mechanism from which morality is corrupted. Similarly, religion and faith is often touted as â€Å"scapegoats† for unethical behaviour. The existentialist Friedrich Nietzsche formulated his own quasi-religion / moral philosophy based on the concepts of the Ubermensch and the theories of eternal recurrence. His position is existential, and forms a central part of what constitutes ethical matters today. Existentialism is, put simply, a belief that man creates his own belief systems. The existence of something precedes its essence; namely, the process of doing something is more important than the assignation of certain methods of thinking or reasoning behind it. A person is not innately good, but instead he acts good. Robert Anton Wilson (1990) comments that â€Å"Nietszsche’s existentialism (1) attacked the floating abstractions of traditional philosophy and a great deal of what passes as ‘common sense’ (e.g. he rejected the terms ‘good’, ‘evil’, ‘the real world’, and even the ego.) (2) also preferred concrete analysis of real life situations [†¦] and (3) attacked Christianity, rather than defending it† (14-15). As such, an existential critique of reality TV would tend to eschew concrete moral conclusion based on the grounding that reality TV exploits people, and therefore it is bad – moreover, the pheno menon of reality TV is based upon a number of larger social trends and mechanisms; a whole system of belief that doesn’t necessarily taint reality, but actually comprises of reality. Therefore, the existentialist may attack Reality TV, but Nietzsche would presumably argue that it is an expression of human will, Marx would argue that it represents merely an extension of the capitalism that seeks to exploit the workers and Kierkegaard would argue that his role is to determine that people have the choice to make their own decisions. Both Nietzsche and Kierkegaard were not concerned about notions of abstract truth – they were existential insofar as their concern was about day to day existence. In the absence of the notion of truth, over Nietzsche’s â€Å"will to power† and Kierkegaard’s system of choice and personal autonomy, the system of modern moral philosophy was overturned by the new ethical paradigm. Nietszche argued that the ubermensch would not do bad things because it would be detrimental to his own will to power; a moral system of good and bad is, ultimately, irrelevant to the ubermensch, because the parameters of decision-making have been changed. This ethical reasoning in many ways bled into the individualism of psychoanalysis, which is a factor that comes into play in a great many of the reality TV programmes: as I will argue later, the obsession in reality TV with rendering perverse the Freudian neuroses (described by him as anal, oral and genital fixations), combined with the capitalist, consumerist desire to pacify the â€Å"slaves† within the semiotic network that constitutes television, creates a scenario whereby the human self is rendered obscene. A psychoanalytical analysis of Reality TV creates many discrepancies; moreover, it is the combination of pacifying the autonomous will of the individual, combined with the exposition of Freudian unconscious â€Å"discoveries† that makes reality TV objectionable to mainstream technical issues. However, before I try to extrapolate the various issues at stake in the arguments for and against reality TV, the concept of reality TV, in particular what the term â€Å" reality† means in this context, has to be explored. What is the â€Å"reality† in Reality TV? Jean Baudrillard and other philosophers coined â€Å"poststructuralist† by Western scholars would undoubtedly be impressed by the ironical use of the term â€Å"reality† in reality TV. One of Jean Baudrillard’s key issues is the argument for â€Å"hyperreality†. He suggests in Simulacra and Simulation (1994) that the hyperreal is â€Å"real without origin or reality† (1). Indeed, the concept of â€Å"reality† TV where participants are asked to stay in an enclosed space for weeks on end and told to do surrealistic things (Big Brother), or to stay on a desert island (Temptation Island, Survivor) is unreal in itself, but the term â€Å"reality† instead applies to the logic that contestants exist rather than actors or performers. It is a â€Å"genre† of TV in which the controlled amateurish quality of the programme is exaggerated into a package of neuroses that have usurped and transcended reality itself. Secondly, TV is edited, dis seminated and packaged in a particular way that, according to Baudrillard, substitutes itself for reality; in one judgement of hyperreality, Baudrillard suggests that it represents â€Å"more real than real†, and eventually usurps reality. The concept of â€Å"reality† in reality TV destroys the â€Å"sovereign difference† between the map and the territory (1994, 2). As such, reality TV exists as an exemplar of this particular moment in late capitalism where the simulation of reality has evaded and transcended the real itself. To stress this theory further, I will look more generally at what Baudrillard means by hyperreality, and cite some further examples of how this theory can be established. Like Nietzsche, Baudrillard begins with an interrogation of the â€Å"real world†, arguing that because our perceptions of reality are rooted in semiotic languages and discursive structures, that the concept of an external, objective reality outside of the self can not be established, and merely bases itself upon a chimera or a lie. Instead, Baudrillard argues that reality is merely a system of communication, in which reality has become a commodified, capitalistic device. In The System of Objects, Baudrillard offers a critique of the advertising industry. While many of the images used by, say, the automobile industry are deliberately faked or exaggerated, the nature of this exaggeration, and the extent to which these images are promoted over and above the actual reality of what the car is (ultimately, a device for getting from one place to another), the specific, advertised car itself becomes an impossible object – a representation of reality that lies beyond reality itself. For instance, recent advertising that features a car that transforms into a dolphin does not have any prescience in reality, nor does it even attempt to establish itself as real. Instead, it embodies in the vehicle certain images or â€Å"realities† that, acc ording to Baudrillard, become reality and, as such, substitute reality for a marketed, plasticised illusion that â€Å"represents† reality to a greater degree. This theory can be extended to encompass many other factors that seem based upon manufacturing and colonising the real. Pornography represents a reality of sex that transcends and usurps sex itself; a soft drink with a non-existent flavour, such as â€Å"wild ice zest berry† (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hyperreality) creates a â€Å"reality† in linguistic terms that has no relationship to â€Å"modern† as opposed to â€Å"postmodern† reality. Again, advertising generates a reality that exaggerates and simulates the real in totality; there is no attempt made to reproduce reality, but instead signs and signification operate within themselves, applying to only their own logic. This reality can be seen in terms of reality TV as well. Programmes such as Survivor, Big Brother and other reality TV programmes that synthesise the game show format tend to exaggerate the realities of the participants. The world in which these â€Å"real† people interact is one which is completely fabricated, usually to exaggerate some narrative or mythological scenario which the viewer is undoubtedly familiar with. Big Brother, for instance, plays with the familiar Orwellian notion of total surveillance and dystopia – Survivor plays on the themes of the desert island, featured in many historical and literary myths that date back to the Bible. As such, depending on what opinions we have about what reality constitutes, these types of program are undoubtedly far off the mark. Post-production techniques are used to exaggerate the dramatic tensions between people; often people who would ordinarily have no contact are forced into relationships with one another, and it has been insinuated that certain parts of reality TV are scripted beforehand, in order to prevent the programme from becoming tedious or formulaic. What does this development in the notion of â€Å"reality† do to a discussion of the ethics of reality TV? Firstly, the production processes of reality TV are heavily reliant upon advertisers and private corporations concerned about making money. Such companies do not generally have too scrupulous a reputation for ethical marketing or behaviour. Product placement is a regular feature in reality TV, which, if looked at from a Marxist point of view, leads to the synthesis of what is seen as common sense â€Å"reality† and of corporate desire. The existential view of reality, while in a kind of agreement with the ambiguity of reality TV, would argue that reality as it is presented here merely represents a faith or a religion that substitutes the pure will (choice or autonomy) of the individual into a scenario where all things are scripted, edited and controlled by forces that depend upon the viewer becoming pacified and infantilized. I argue that the reality in reality TV merely represents a particular version of reality. As post-structuralist philosophy would suggest, the notion of objective reality in the postmodern age is simply a psychologically, sociologically and metaphysically attuned network that serves to create a religion or a mythical structure of â€Å"truth† and â€Å"reality†. While Nietzsche would argue that Reality TV subdues the personal will, and of human folly and weakness, reducing the viewer to the level of passive consumer, he would also argue that it is not the ethical place of people to assume that this dynamic of â€Å"exploitation† (as Marxists would posit) is necessarily wrong. Indeed, criticisms of Nietzsche’s critiques of Christianity, while vitriolic and hateful in tone, overlook the simple premise that Nietzsche’s intention himself was not to create a system of objective truth himself. Because, as he postulates in Beyond Good and Evil: â€Å"In the womb of being, rather, in the intran sitory, in the hidden god, in the ‘thing in itself’ – that is where their cause must lie and nowhere else! – This mode of judgement constitutes the typical prejudice by which metaphysicians of all ages can be recognized; this mode of evaluation stands in the background of all their logical procedures; it is on account of this their ‘faith’ that they concern themselves with their ‘knowledge’, with something that is at last solemnly baptized ‘the truth’† (1973, 34). As such, the creation of truth, upon which grounds Nietzsche was sorely condemned for throughout the 20th century, was not Nietzsche’s central desire – indeed, the establishment of a particular truth ignores Nietzsche’s attempts to negate the this preoccupation with â€Å"truth† and â€Å"reality† present in the mind of the â€Å"metaphysician† and the abstract philosopher. The existentialist is not concerned a bout abstractions, but instead he is concerned about the establishment of productive myths. In this respect, the â€Å"reality† of reality TV (at least where participants and audience are volunteers) is real and, dependent upon how greatly you herald such issues as personal autonomy cannot be anything but a moral, voluntary exchange. Marxism and the streams of thinkers that have come to be associated with Marxism tend to think very differently about the self. Socialist philosophy suggests that the human freedoms posited by the American and British administrations during their â€Å"free† market experiments are merely a chimera designed to obfuscate and paper over the exploitative system of exchange that operates between rich and poor. Contrary to existentialism, Marxists suggest that voluntary participants (in such things as reality TV) have to adhere to some greater moral code, because the dynamic of exchange exposes basic human vulnerabilities that exist in everybody. Their concept of reality is based upon a politics of exploitation, or a dialectical exchange between two opposing factions, one of which is exploited, and the other is dominant. Such Marxist theory can be used to explore this notion of â€Å"reality† in reality TV further: the dynamic between rich and poor (used in â€Å"crude† or traditional Marxism) creates a system of exploitation between the working class and the ruling class. This can be extended into linguistics and semantic theory, and forms the central tenet of deconstructionist theory posited by Jacques Derrida. Derrida argues firstly that the structuralist theories of Ferdinand de Saussure depended upon a relationship between the signifier and the signified – namely, what is being represented and what it represents. While Saussure argued that this framework was stable, and that the signifier and the signified never changed, Derrida and the deconstructionist theorists argued that the relationship between the signifier and the signified was always subject to â€Å"play† and fluctuated constantly. Moreover, the limitations of human communication meant that our perception of the world was limited. Derrida argues that the world is conveyed in language and discourse. Derrida takes this further, arguing that Western language has always based its functionality upon what he calls â€Å"binary oppositions†, in which one is seen as inferior, while the other is seen as superior. These oppositions run the gamut of human thinking and is what abstract philosophy tends to ignore: for instance, the dichotomy between man and woman is the subject of many feminist writers: while man can give women the same material rights, linguistically, woman still represents the absence of masculinity. Similarly, reality is seen as superior to the simulacrum, as explored by Plato’s myth of the cave, in which he argues that one pure object exists, and that everything else is a copy, and therefore inferior to the real thing. Derrida argues that deconstruction provides a solution to this problem, and by exposing and making conscious these oppositions, and deliberately working against them creates a system of simultaneous difference and equality through semantic â€Å"play†. As such, the ethical concept or exchange between the directors of reality TV, the participants and the audience create an interesting dynamic of exploitation that tends to eschew simple ethical thinking. To say that these reality programmes are bad ethically (a string of reasons have been posited, from the sensory deprivation of participants, to the unsavoury and voyeuristic nature of the program, to the use of the grotesque, to the implementation of torture techniques) avoids the overall issue that participation is â€Å"voluntary†. However, the previous arguments (deconstructive, Marxist, feminist, existential) all have radically different arguments as to what exactly constitutes â€Å"voluntary†; the notion of voluntary participation is a key issue in philosophical debate, and can be seen to surface in the ethics of advertising, fast food consumption and the selling of junk to young people. The question revolves around the concept of â€Å"reality†; namely, wh ether we are in control or whether our choices are determined by mechanisms and structures of power, addiction, and deep psychological needs. Reality TV argues that it exists as a form of entertainment. In the following section I will look at the dynamic of exploitation; particularly upon how reality TV exploits certain human qualities or â€Å"realities†, and renders them perverse. Reality TV: a psychoanalytical approach Reality TV, especially the phenomenon of the game show Reality TV programme, namely such programmes as Big Brother, Survivor, Big Diet, Celebrity Fat Club, Temptation Island, Bachelorette and Boot Camp exploit numerous psychoanalytical desires in order to â€Å"hystericise† reality and to render ordinary impulses and desires perverse. This exploitation, which I will argue is central to the strategy of corporatism and central to the postmodern malaise raises a number of ethical questions concerning the position of Reality TV in contemporary society, is endemic in the phenomenon of reality TV, and appears concerned primarily as either a reflection of, or a creation of, many issues that plague Western consciousness. Reality TV attacks certain concepts and, via gossip columns and TV journalism in other media, makes these things hysterical. One such topic is that of the â€Å"normal† relationship. While Big Brother tends to vet the participants based upon their position as s exually â€Å"perverse† (the last series of Big Brother featured a transsexual and several homosexuals) eccentric or colourful in order to engender conflict within the house and to maximize the entertainment value that can be derived from this â€Å"reality† that is constructed, the vision of the ordinary relationship, which occurs with relative frequency in the Big Brother house, is one that is treated with extreme shock by both participants, media, the programme makers, and eventually, the audience themselves. Jan Jagodozinki (2003) comments that â€Å"each reality game ‘hot-houses’ and hystericizes ‘normal relationships’, engendering paranoid perception where no one is to be trusted† (323). Of course, ethically this hystericisation serves the purpose many mass-mediated and televised spectacles seek to achieve. In a Marxist, postmodernist context, the media (especially the ‘modern’ mediums of television and brand advertis ing) wishes to engender a consumer whose only relationship to the outside world is through the corporatist-owned signification of signs. We are marketed towards in order to create an atomised, pseudo-individual whose only relationship to him / her self is through signification and engagement with the hyperreal. As such, consumer need is created, manufactured in the dream factory of advertising, and disseminated through mass media to create demand for a product that was, prior to the embellishment of reality through hyperrealistic signification, useless and unnecessary. Reality TV simply contributes to this feeling of post-human disgust with the mechanisms of the body and the unconscious mind. For instance, the drives expounded by Freud (labelled by him as genital, oral and anal), are attacked with frequency in a number of these TV reality shows: In Big Brother, participants are deprived of food, and are occasionally â€Å"treated† to products from the outside world when they participate in a particular task (the oral, anal dichotomy). The lack of privacy in toilets suggest the programmes obsession with these excretive functions; also, the relationships that occur among these â€Å"ordinary† people are exaggerated with an unparalleled degree of disgust and hysteria both within the programme and external to it in other â€Å"gossip† columns and TV magazines. This suggests an obsession with the genital drives that are echoed in other reality TV programmes. The hystericisation of normality â€Å"are the very symptoms that plague the American landscape, namely the preoccupation with the excesses of the drives – anal and oral (food / dieting) [†¦], genital (seduction) [†¦] trust, [†¦] extreme physical exertion [†¦] authority† (Jagodozinki 2003, 323). These drives are isolated and compounded in a manner that many would figure as unethical; the audiences watch the TV – voyeurs in their living rooms – rendering all these desires perverse and alien. The anal / oral functioning can be seen in all manner of these game show / reality TV hybrids. In Survivor, participants experience food deprivation, then are force-fed the junk food of capitalism. Reality TV provides us with either a perverse kind of promotion of these desires, or else exaggerates and satirizes these principles that already play a huge part in the advertising, producer / consumer relationship of (most of) Western society. For instance, many of these reality TV programmes are obsessed with food and excrement, the balance between which is, of course, expressed in terms of physical weight: Game show reality programmes such as Fat Club, Big Diet, Survivor and Big Brother, as well as innumerable documentaries, talk shows (Gerry Springer, Rikki Lake, Oprah Winfrey all tend to devote a disproportionate amount of time to â€Å"exposing† obesity in ways that carefully tread the dual lines of exploitation and grotesquer y, and non-pervasive exploration or passive â€Å"documentary†, often with a focus on the former) all focus on weight, eating and consumption as a mainstay of their challenges. In one edition of I’m a Celebrity, Get Me Out of Here, pop-mystic and spoon bender Uri Geller was forced to eat live slugs while some other minor celebrity spent most of the programme complaining about his constipation. As such, natural processes such as eating, drinking and excreting matter becomes exaggerated to such an extent that these very bodily processes become shameful. Jagodozinki comments that â€Å"Survivor players are foced to follow exactly the same starve and binge mentality of bulemics† (2003, 321). The Freudian drives and impulses are concentrated upon by programme makers in order to engender an interest in the programme that, if it were a representation of ordinary, mundane â€Å"reality†, would presumably be too scant to provoke widespread interest. Similarly, other drives are obsessed over. The genital desires, marked by an obsession with sex, lust and seduction are exploited through programmes such as Big Brother, Temptation Island and Bachelorette, where sexual, relationship related trysts are exploited by the programme makers in order to maximise audience ratings and profits from their programme. For instance, whenever a relationship threatens to bubble over in Big Brother, the programme makers, along with the media vehicles that feature Big Brother (showbiz magazines and tabloid newspapers, for instance) tend to simultaneously glorify and pervert the developing relationship into a grotesque and abominable spectacle. Trust and paranoiac fantasies are also played with in the post-production of Big Brother. The format is automatically designed to expose hypocrisy: while participants are forced to work together and live together, participants also have to periodically vote each other out of the house. As such, issues of trust and paranoiac functions are exploited, in a microcosm, of the contemporary world that constitutes â€Å"reality† TV. As such, the difficulty with exposing the ethical indiscretion of reality TV is simply that it can either be seen as a hyperbolic reflection or satire of current prevalent trends in Western society, or that it can be seen as contributing to the effects of â€Å"consumerisation†, and can therefore be seen in the light of Marxists who approach the exploitative mechanisms of mass media with grave suspicion. Louis Althusser’s system of â€Å"interpolation† which in his words, is described as having the following relationship with ideology: â€Å"ideology interpolates the individual as subject, [†¦] this interpolation is realized in institutions, in their rituals and practices† (2001). As such, the ideology of guilt, of loathing for the body and of the consumerisation of the general public through the exploitation of these particular vulnerabilities is, according to Althusser, interpolated and disseminated through mass media, or, as he calls it, the  "ideological state apparatus†. And any form of mass media that adheres to these capitalist desires against the individual and for the â€Å"subject† is also catering to systematic oppression to the masses and is therefore morally reprehensible. So, what is the argument in favour of reality TV? Namely, that it bypasses these ideologies and instead presents us with a â€Å"reality† of ordinary people, unencumbered by the traffic of biased representation one tends to get in drama and fiction. The function of reality TV, according to this argument, is to present to people life as it really is. I would argue, however, that this is not the case for a number of reasons. The psychological stresses that subjects are put under are, in themselves, unique in these game show / reality TV programmes. It would be extraordinary to presume that everyday people would be forced to endure these psychological strains. Moreover, the dissemination and the editing of these pieces together serves a dual function: firstly, it imposes a strict narrative upon the happenings based upon a desire to entertain. Entertainment can be achieved through the exploitation and exaggerations of these specific, Freudian functions. In order to condense 24 hou rs of time into half an hour, programme makers have to edit the raw material of â€Å"reality† in a way that generates interest in the overall product. The effect of this is to highlight these desires and dramas and to generate a narrative of disgust from the raw material. As such, events are scandalised, hystericised, and processed through the â€Å"state apparatus† of Freudian drama. This is satirised in the film The Truman Show. Jagodozinki (2003) comments that â€Å"The banality of his everyday life with its mundane repetitions is the very opposite of media hype which happens off camera or is worked in ‘live’† (328). The function of this segment is to highlight the principle that these dramas are not reality; simply because the subject is â€Å"real† and falls into the pigeonhole of â€Å"non-fiction† by programmers, the ways in which these â€Å"documentaries† are assembled tend to fall into dramatic stereotypes associated with the exploitation of Freudian impulses, checked with a Marxian system of exploitation. The World Is Flat: â€Å"Infotainment† and relativism Modern news programming tends to cut and splice events of widely different qualities – from serious news items about plagues, famines, death and suffering to items about cuddly toys and cats getting stranded in trees. Also, programming on commercial channels are cut every fifteen minutes with a barrage of advertising, with the effect of sharply combining the â€Å"reality† of news footage and reality TV with the â€Å"non-reality† of advertising. Ethically, this places TV in general under the accusation of numbing the viewer and transforming him or her into the amoral, relativistic, emotionally numb and philosophically nihilistic consumer infant that sociopaths and corporations tend to prefer. As such, arguments about the â€Å"reality† of reality TV being less produced than fiction tends to falter instead, the handle of â€Å"reality† has the effect of simply lowering the viewer’s (or consumer’s) guard. The juxtaposition of mundane e vents in a fast barrage of creative editing sensationalises the mundane. In a triumph of style over content, some reality TV shows and news features use music and montage to create the illusion of event, when there is no event to speak of. â€Å"Real life† documentaries and long-running reality TV programmes, such as Changing Rooms and DIY SOS utilise quirky (and somewhat insipid) montage sequences with humorous music in order to generate a homely, friendly appeal. However, almost all reality TV programmes appeal to consumerist desires (an endless procession of programmes about house hunting, gardening, buying), or exploitative voyeurism (house cleaning programmes about â€Å"dirty† people, unsympathetic obesity programmes, a fixation upon sexual or cosmetic acts). Ethically, reality TV however, only ser